Charting A New Course For Social Cohesion
By Nizam Bashir
Introduction: Status of Inter-Ethnic Relations in Malaysia
In early 2006, the Merdeka Center for Opinion Research conducted a survey on ethnic relations in Malaysia. The results highlighted that approximately 50 percent out of the 2,137 Malaysians surveyed viewed themselves as members of their ethnic groups first. This must have come as a surprise for a nation that sells itself as a 'melting pot' of cultures and ethnicities. Still, if validation of the results was needed, one need only look to the recent furore over the present Selangor Menteri Besar's proposal to allocate 10% of UiTM's annual student intake to non-Bumiputra students1. So the penny has finally dropped. After 50 years of social engineering, manifest best perhaps through Malaysia's parochial politics and arguably myopic public policies, Malaysia is confirming how far removed it is as a utopian state for social cohesion.
The 'Special Position' Issue
The principal cause for this may lie in the continued application of the 'special position' enshrined in the Constitution.2 Originally, the Reid Commission envisaged the privileges to last for 15 years.3 However, as is apparent from the New Economic Policy (NEP), the National Development Policy and the National Vision Policy, the privileges have been perpetuated beyond its 'use by' date.4
The principal reason given for this was that the target poverty rate for Peninsular Malaysia was 17% instead of the targeted 16% and critically, Bumiputra share of corporate stock ownership similarly failed in achieving its targeted 30%.5 Nevertheless, such reasons ignore the underlying philosophy of the 15 year time frame that under "a democratic form of government it was inherent for all citizens of Malaya, irrespective of race, creed or culture" to "enjoy certain fundamental rights including equality before the law".6
Clearly, by extending the lifespan of the privileges, the goalposts are being shifted towards unchartered territory. There is no time frame and even if there is a time frame, there is no assurance that it will be observed. Furthermore, because it only benefits one segment of Malaysia's citizenry, such ambiguity comes with the added cost of inter-ethnic mistrust.
The situation is also not helped by the perception that Malaysia's affirmative action policies do not filter to its intended targets, i.e. the poor and the disenfranchised, as there are no income limit restrictions.
Ultimately, if Malaysia is genuinely intent on fostering social cohesion by narrowing inter-ethnic income disparities, it must:
Move towards a more egalitarian mode of affirmative action. Poverty, after all, is not and will never be the select preserve of one particular community; and
Evolve from its present laissez faire method of granting privileges to an alternative method where beneficiaries of the privileges are limited by their income. Only then, will Malaysia genuinely transform the fate and fortunes of its poor and disenfranchised.
Public Sector Employment
In 1957, according to the Government's own statistics, Malaysia recruited 24 public servants and which consisted of 16 Malays (66.7 percent), 4 Chinese (18.1 percent), 2 Indians (0.08 percent) and 2 from other races as part of its public servants. Fifty years or so later, i.e. in 2007, Malaysia recruited 38,569 public servants and of these there were 31,675 Malays (82.1%), 1326 Chinese (3.4%), 1188 Indians (0.03%) with 4380 from the other races. When asked to comment on this, the Chief Secretary to the Government, Tan Sri Mohd Sidek was adamant that he was totally colour blind in recruitment and promotion.7
On the one hand, the Chief Secretary's implicit acknowledgement of the value of minority employment must be lauded. Nevertheless, on the other, the sub-text is that the non-Bumiputras are not keen on their prospects of being employed and more critically, of being promoted in the public sector. Such an assessment is borne out by the lower percentages of non-Bumiputras applying to join the civil service.
One option in addressing such concerns by prospective non-Bumiputra applicants would have been to set up a racial quota for their employment and promotion. When queried on this, the Chief Secretary said that "the government will not be setting a race quota for the public service sector, a platform to recruit more non-Malay public servants, as this has contradicted the merit system promoted by the government."8
However, this clarion call for meritocracy appears to be curiously inapplicable to the private sector as Malaysia's Prime Minister Dato' Seri Abdullah Badawi announced during the recent Budget 2008 presentation that:
"Beginning financial year 2008, PLCs (Public Listed Companies) will be required to disclose their employment composition by race and gender, as well as programmes undertaken to develop domestic and Bumiputera vendors. The private sector should leverage upon the strength of Malaysia's diversity by employing Malaysians from all ethnic groups."9
The effect of the statements of the 2 officials is this - private sector employment market (albeit limited to Public Listed Companies) will be restructured BUT employment in the public service sector is not. Clearly, such contradictions in policies will only serve to pit one community against another.
All said and done, if Malaysia seeks to reduce inter-ethnic mistrust in this respect, it must:
Address the perceptions of the non-Bumiputras in relation to public sector employment by providing clear guidelines on public sector employment and promotion policies is necessary. As an adjunct to this, there should also be a separate entity providing independent external audits of actions which impact employees e.g. performance appraisals, transfers etc. This will go a long way towards concretising the guarantee provided by Federal Constitution that all employees of the same grade are to be treated equally.10
Manage any concerns arising from the Government's announcement that all private sector employment (limited to Public Listed Companies) is to be profiled. Simply put, public policy on this should be kept on par as public sector employment to prevent suspicions of one community being favoured over another.
Conclusion: The Future of Inter-Ethnic Relations
Looking ahead, what is clear is that the political landscape of Malaysia has changed since the tsunami of 8 March 2008. This could be due in part to the younger generation of voters who are less 'sold' on parochial politics.
Whatever the case, it is clear that Malaysia's Federal Government is on the threshold of genuine reformation of its public policies. It has no other choice, not if it hopes to countervail the pressures provided by Opposition led State Governments keen on responding to the call for change demanded by its voters.
Admittedly, the way forward appears uncertain as the road ahead seems to be the road less travelled. However, if social cohesion is the prize and national unity it's by product, then it is time Malaysia evolves towards a more egalitarian society.
Taking any other route only offends the sensibilities of fellow Malaysians as human beings and perpetuates the crime of preventing otherwise able Malaysians, from realizing their genuine worth.
Four decades ago, Robert Kennedy once said:
"We must admit the vanity of our false distinctions among men and learn to find our own advancement in the search for the advancement of all. We must admit in ourselves that our own children's future cannot be built on the misfortunes of others. We must recognize that this short life can neither be ennobled (n)or enriched by hatred or revenge.
Our lives on this planet are too short and the work to be done too great to let this spirit flourish any longer in our land. Of course we cannot vanish it with a program, nor with a resolution.
But we can perhaps remember - even if only for a time - that those who live with us are our brothers, that they share with us the same short movement of life, that they seek - as we do - nothing but the chance to live out their lives in purpose and happiness, winning what satisfaction and fulfilment they can.
Surely this bond of common faith, this bond of common goal, can begin to teach us something. Surely we can learn, at least, to look at those around us as fellow men and surely we can begin to work a little harder to bind up the wounds among us and to become in our hearts brothers and countrymen once again."
It rings true today, as much as it did then.
1http://www.malaysianbar.org.my/berita/komen_undang_undang/keistimewaan_uitm.html
2Article 153 of the Federal Constitution<
3As reinforced by the Commission's difficulties in reconciling the 'special position' provisions with nationality and equality before the law specifically expressed paragraphs 2 and 163 of the Reid Commission Report.
4http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysian_New_Economic_Policy
5http://www.unrisd.org/unrisd/website/document.nsf/0/A20E9AD6E5BA919780256B6D0057896B?OpenDocument
6Paragraphs 2 and 163 of the Reid Commission Report.
7http://www.pemudah.gov.my/China_press_110108_exclusive_interview_with_KSN.asp
8Ibid.
9http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2007/9/7/budget2008/20070907174458&sec=budget2008
10http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bumiputra#Legitimacy_of_special_rights and Article 153(5) and Article 136 of the Federal Constitution
Nizam Bashir runs a legal practice in Malacca, where he lives with his wife and four kids. He once aspired to be an anonymous blogger, but soon realized that registering his blog under www.nizambashir.com wasn't the smartest way of realizing his aspirations. In his spare time, he follows the English Premier League, supporting every other football club that Man United plays against.